Tópicos Sugeridos dentro de su búsqueda.
Tópicos Sugeridos dentro de su búsqueda.
Buscar alternativas:
democratic constitutionalism » democracia constitucional (Expander búsqueda), social constitutionalism (Expander búsqueda)
democratic constitutional » democratico constitucional (Expander búsqueda), democracia constitucional (Expander búsqueda), comparative constitutional (Expander búsqueda)
democratic constitutionalism » democracia constitucional (Expander búsqueda), social constitutionalism (Expander búsqueda)
democratic constitutional » democratico constitucional (Expander búsqueda), democracia constitucional (Expander búsqueda), comparative constitutional (Expander búsqueda)
1
artículo
Publicado 2006
Enlace
Enlace
This paper highlights the need to examine the role of a constituent assembly within a democratic and constitutional system. To this end, a detailed analysis of the issue is undertaken on the basis of doctrine and constitutional history. It is concluded that the purpose of a constituent assembly is to establish a constituent power and to reform the constitution. Constituent power is the ability of a society to create or reform fundamental rights and the structure of government. Thus, the Constituent Assembly is the way in which the people exercise this power with the aim of amending the existing constitution or creating a new one. However, the author points out that there is one element that cannot be excluded by this power, and that is constitutional democracy. In this sense, this article provides a detailed study that helps to understand what a Constituent Assembly implies as a key enti...
2
artículo
Publicado 2006
Enlace
Enlace
This paper highlights the need to examine the role of a constituent assembly within a democratic and constitutional system. To this end, a detailed analysis of the issue is undertaken on the basis of doctrine and constitutional history. It is concluded that the purpose of a constituent assembly is to establish a constituent power and to reform the constitution. Constituent power is the ability of a society to create or reform fundamental rights and the structure of government. Thus, the Constituent Assembly is the way in which the people exercise this power with the aim of amending the existing constitution or creating a new one. However, the author points out that there is one element that cannot be excluded by this power, and that is constitutional democracy. In this sense, this article provides a detailed study that helps to understand what a Constituent Assembly implies as a key enti...
3
artículo
Publicado 2025
Enlace
Enlace
This article critically examines constitutional courts in Latin America and raises the need to rethink the control of constitutionality from a deliberative perspective. Following Fernando Atria's criticisms and reflections on issues such as neoconstitutionalism, constitutional jurisdiction and constitutional concepts, as well as his conception of democratic deliberation and that of Jürgen Habermas, it integrates Hélène Landemore's proposal on open and lottocratic democracy as a way to democratize the control of constitutionality, with a view to laying the foundations for an institutional redesign that overcomes the limitations of the current judicial model and revitalizes the democratic principle.
4
artículo
Publicado 2025
Enlace
Enlace
This article critically examines constitutional courts in Latin America and raises the need to rethink the control of constitutionality from a deliberative perspective. Following Fernando Atria's criticisms and reflections on issues such as neoconstitutionalism, constitutional jurisdiction and constitutional concepts, as well as his conception of democratic deliberation and that of Jürgen Habermas, it integrates Hélène Landemore's proposal on open and lottocratic democracy as a way to democratize the control of constitutionality, with a view to laying the foundations for an institutional redesign that overcomes the limitations of the current judicial model and revitalizes the democratic principle.
5
artículo
Publicado 2021
Enlace
Enlace
This paper focuses on the analysis of article 38 of the Political Constitution of Peru of 1993, which establishes as a duty of all Peruvians to honor Peru, protect national interests, as well as to respect, comply with and defend the Constitution and the country’s legal system. It should be emphasized that the latter requires precision as to the institutions it protects, distinguishing between the Constitution, as a rule of rules, and constitutionality, which represents the essential principle under which modern democracies are built. In this manner, the mechanisms established for the defense of the normative hierarchy of the Constitution are reviewed, as well as the need to forge a committed culture, patriotism, and constitutional sentiment.
6
artículo
Publicado 2021
Enlace
Enlace
This paper focuses on the analysis of article 38 of the Political Constitution of Peru of 1993, which establishes as a duty of all Peruvians to honor Peru, protect national interests, as well as to respect, comply with and defend the Constitution and the country’s legal system. It should be emphasized that the latter requires precision as to the institutions it protects, distinguishing between the Constitution, as a rule of rules, and constitutionality, which represents the essential principle under which modern democracies are built. In this manner, the mechanisms established for the defense of the normative hierarchy of the Constitution are reviewed, as well as the need to forge a committed culture, patriotism, and constitutional sentiment.
7
artículo
Publicado 2025
Enlace
Enlace
This article analyzes the concept of Limits on the Power to Amend the Constitution in light of the concept of Democratic Legitimacy, proposing an alternative constitutional design from a realistic and critical perspective. The first concept is examined through a classification of each of the existing limits, as well as the general concept. The concept of democratic legitimacy is analyzed from the conceptual historyperspective on the development of the concept of legitimacy, concluding that legitimacy is guaranteed by the consensus of the people. The article suggests viewing Constitutions as political texts negotiated among human beings and therefore subject to any criticism and change, rather than the analysis that mythicizes both the primary Constituent Power and the Constitution itself, which runs counter todemocratic legitimacy.
8
artículo
Since the nineties of the last century Latin America is experiencing a cycle of democratic constituent processes that is usually known in the doctrine as new constitutionalism. Decades after its approval, it is necessary to analyze critically the effects of the new constitutionalism, which wanted to improve the social situation, democratize politics and transform the State. The article raises four questions: 1. Have the Constitutions served to improve the welfare conditions of citizens? 2. Has it been possible to limit the power of the constituted organs? 3. Has inequality and poverty decreased? 4. Has the civil rights situation improved? If we are able to respond affirmatively to the previous questions, we could speak of popular constitutionalism; otherwise, we could only speak of populist constitutionalism.
9
artículo
Since the nineties of the last century Latin America is experiencing a cycle of democratic constituent processes that is usually known in the doctrine as new constitutionalism. Decades after its approval, it is necessary to analyze critically the effects of the new constitutionalism, which wanted to improve the social situation, democratize politics and transform the State. The article raises four questions: 1. Have the Constitutions served to improve the welfare conditions of citizens? 2. Has it been possible to limit the power of the constituted organs? 3. Has inequality and poverty decreased? 4. Has the civil rights situation improved? If we are able to respond affirmatively to the previous questions, we could speak of popular constitutionalism; otherwise, we could only speak of populist constitutionalism.
10
artículo
Publicado 2018
Enlace
Enlace
Centralization and decentralization as well as deconcentration in the administrative division of the Peruvian state have been conditioned by political, social, economic and religious factors; In brief, by factors of power. The execution of these policies in the Peruvian context has brought serious difficulties in the development of the country. In this article, the author studies the Peruvian model and its adaptations taking into account the historical data. Finally, he proposes the reform challenges that must be faced in decentralization and the strengthening of regionalization, both understood as necessary institutional processes to achieve the integral development of the country.
11
artículo
Publicado 2009
Enlace
Enlace
In this essay, I expose, in broad outlines, the debate about descentralization between Mariátegui and Belaúnde, at the first part of the last century. Besides, I research the regionalization process established in the 1979 Constitution, especially, during the last decade. This period is caracterized by democracy restauration, the renewal of regionalization process and the reactivation of social conflicts.
12
artículo
Publicado 2009
Enlace
Enlace
In this essay, I expose, in broad outlines, the debate about descentralization between Mariátegui and Belaúnde, at the first part of the last century. Besides, I research the regionalization process established in the 1979 Constitution, especially, during the last decade. This period is caracterized by democracy restauration, the renewal of regionalization process and the reactivation of social conflicts.
13
artículo
Publicado 2022
Enlace
Enlace
Faced with the advanced of the judicialization of politics - and the politicization of justice - this article set out to recreate a controversial scene. Controversy, debate, litigation, polemic, were categories used in this text to characterize the exchange –both political and journalistic– around the "Project for the Democratization of Justice" presented by the former president of the Argentine Nation, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, in 2013. To do this, we have analyzed the news related to the project of three national newspapers (Clarín, La Nación and Página / 12) and put them in tension with the properly political discourse. What is important at this point does not consist of verifying whether the study actually corresponds to a Lawfare process or, conversely, to an attempt by a certain government to intercede –for political party purposes– in the correct functioning of j...
14
artículo
Publicado 2006
Enlace
Enlace
This paper examines the political and criminal implications of Jakobs' recent conception of the Peruvian judicial system within a state where the Constitution is the supreme rule. The analysis highlights the shortcomings of Jakobs' thesis of positive general prevention in relation to the function of criminal law in our legal system. The article argues that Jakobs' approach disregards important constitutional principles and fails to consider fundamental rights that protect individuals from excessive use of punitive power by the State. This can lead to a dangerous weakening of the role of the courts. Consequently, this would undermine the functions of judicial operators and increase the power of the criminal legislator, which is not in line with the principles of a democratic state.
15
artículo
Publicado 2006
Enlace
Enlace
This paper examines the political and criminal implications of Jakobs' recent conception of the Peruvian judicial system within a state where the Constitution is the supreme rule. The analysis highlights the shortcomings of Jakobs' thesis of positive general prevention in relation to the function of criminal law in our legal system. The article argues that Jakobs' approach disregards important constitutional principles and fails to consider fundamental rights that protect individuals from excessive use of punitive power by the State. This can lead to a dangerous weakening of the role of the courts. Consequently, this would undermine the functions of judicial operators and increase the power of the criminal legislator, which is not in line with the principles of a democratic state.
16
artículo
Publicado 2016
Enlace
Enlace
It is often said that any activation of the constituent power, preceded by certain elements and conditions, is always a free activity limits or constraints, because it is so required by the democratic nature of the sovereign people that holds it. However, recent events show that the use of constitutionalism may be due, in some cases, a “non-constitutional” or “anti- democratic” interests or mobile, against which the classical theory of constituent power is usually warmly support the establishment of certain “internal” or “natural” limits. This article argues that an adequate defense of constitutionalism as a control to power might require the definition of other “controls” that are an expression of what people understand, at any given time, as a “exercised proper” constituent power, as well as the forecast of the agents who would be best placed to guarantee ...
17
artículo
Publicado 2024
Enlace
Enlace
The purpose of this article is to analyze the figure of impeachment regulated in the Constitution of Peru of 1993 and developed by the subsequent jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court. We maintain that the Constitution has provided for offending conducts and in that order we identify, specifically, the types of constitutional offense that can give rise to a sanction, which we call the “constitutional types”. For this reason, we state that the trial is political due to the nature of the organ that carries it out, but not because it can be resolved with merely political criteria, rather than on the contrary, the demands of the democratic State impose respect for principles such as legality or due process. The violation of the constitution can only be sanctioned when a senior State official acts against what is constitutionally prohibited or fails to act in alignment with what is co...
18
artículo
Publicado 2024
Enlace
Enlace
The purpose of this article is to analyze the figure of impeachment regulated in the Constitution of Peru of 1993 and developed by the subsequent jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court. We maintain that the Constitution has provided for offending conducts and in that order we identify, specifically, the types of constitutional offense that can give rise to a sanction, which we call the “constitutional types”. For this reason, we state that the trial is political due to the nature of the organ that carries it out, but not because it can be resolved with merely political criteria, rather than on the contrary, the demands of the democratic State impose respect for principles such as legality or due process. The violation of the constitution can only be sanctioned when a senior State official acts against what is constitutionally prohibited or fails to act in alignment with what is co...
19
artículo
This article justify theoretically, the utility of the judicial associationism like one of the components of the doctrine of Democratic Justice. This one, although is developed from the new social molds, includes a series of manifestations that are transformed into rights that the citizens exert so that the State guarantees justice released from any Legal Positivism that was limited and undefined of the expires social justice; that manage in a scene of classes, not always equitable. For that reason, the necessity to justify the judicial associationism,obeys to these new tendencies, transform a social ideology, and fortify it in a Constitutional Governmen
20
artículo
This article justify theoretically, the utility of the judicial associationism like one of the components of the doctrine of Democratic Justice. This one, although is developed from the new social molds, includes a series of manifestations that are transformed into rights that the citizens exert so that the State guarantees justice released from any Legal Positivism that was limited and undefined of the expires social justice; that manage in a scene of classes, not always equitable. For that reason, the necessity to justify the judicial associationism,obeys to these new tendencies, transform a social ideology, and fortify it in a Constitutional Governmen
