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1
artículo
Social networking sites have had a significant impact on politics and democracy. They can bring about positive changes that contribute to establishing a more effective and complete democracy. In this study, we investigate the relationship between social networks and democratic effectiveness in Latin American countries. We conducted a quantitative and inferential statistical analysis using representative surveys from2023 to demonstrate that the internet and social networks have a notable impact on the democratization process of these countries. Our study challenges the hypothesis proposed by Lipset that a nation’s economic prosperity contributes to strengthening democracy.
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The global appeal of liberal constitutional democracy—defined as a competitive multiparty system combined with governance within constitutional limits—cannot be taken for granted due to the existence of competing forms of government that appear successful along a number of practical dimensions and consequently enjoy high levels of public acceptance. Proponents of liberal constitutional democracy must be prepared to explain and defend its capacity to satisfy first-order political needs. A system of government is unlikely to command popular acceptance unless it can plausibly claim to address the problems of oppression, tribalism, and physical and economic security. Along these dimensions, the advantages of liberal constitutional democracy over the alternatives of social democracy of the type seen in Scandinavia, and bureaucratic authoritarianism of the type seen in parts of Asi...
3
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The global appeal of liberal constitutional democracy—defined as a competitive multiparty system combined with governance within constitutional limits—cannot be taken for granted due to the existence of competing forms of government that appear successful along a number of practical dimensions and consequently enjoy high levels of public acceptance. Proponents of liberal constitutional democracy must be prepared to explain and defend its capacity to satisfy first-order political needs. A system of government is unlikely to command popular acceptance unless it can plausibly claim to address the problems of oppression, tribalism, and physical and economic security. Along these dimensions, the advantages of liberal constitutional democracy over the alternatives of social democracy of the type seen in Scandinavia, and bureaucratic authoritarianism of the type seen in parts of Asi...
4
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In this essay, I expose, in broad outlines, the debate about descentralization between Mariátegui and Belaúnde, at the first part of the last century. Besides, I research the regionalization process established in the 1979 Constitution, especially, during the last decade. This period is caracterized by democracy restauration, the renewal of regionalization process and the reactivation of social conflicts.
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In this essay, I expose, in broad outlines, the debate about descentralization between Mariátegui and Belaúnde, at the first part of the last century. Besides, I research the regionalization process established in the 1979 Constitution, especially, during the last decade. This period is caracterized by democracy restauration, the renewal of regionalization process and the reactivation of social conflicts.
6
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Centralization and decentralization as well as deconcentration in the administrative division of the Peruvian state have been conditioned by political, social, economic and religious factors; In brief, by factors of power. The execution of these policies in the Peruvian context has brought serious difficulties in the development of the country. In this article, the author studies the Peruvian model and its adaptations taking into account the historical data. Finally, he proposes the reform challenges that must be faced in decentralization and the strengthening of regionalization, both understood as necessary institutional processes to achieve the integral development of the country.
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The Inter-American Democratic Charter (IDC) was adopted in 2001 by member states of the Organization of American States (OAS) as a renewed instrument for the defense of democracy, not only against traditional coup d´etat but also to face serious violations to horizontal accountability. The second assumption took into consideration, as a precedent, the political situation in Peru during Alberto Fujimori's administration (1995-2000), defined as a competitive authoritarian regime by Political Science and Constitutional Law scholars. However, during the last decade to the presentwe find in Latin America several countries with governments where the principle of checks and balances has been eroded as a result of measures adopted by their respective executive branch. This situation suggests the following concerns: The liberal democratic model of the IDC is in crisis? This model has been overca...
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El tema a investigar es cómo fue la participación de los partidos políticos durante el fin del fujimorismo. La constitución de las agrupaciones, quiénes eran líderes y qué ideas predicaban. También su relación con sus electores, cuáles eran sus debilidades y fortalezas. En primer lugar, la partidocracia que surge a comienzos del siglo xxi, se caracteriza por ser una estructura sin bases institucionales, cuyos líderes surgen de la total improvisación que ha dado paso el derrumbe del sistema de partidos de los ochenta. También surge un poder fáctico que desplaza al antiguo poder real que era el Ejército. Ese es la tecnocracia que se vuelve el mayor referente institucional. Asimismo, las ideologías políticas quedan de lado en estos nuevos tiempos.
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The present research’s topic is how was the political parties’s participation during the end of Fujimorismo. It is specially analyzed partie’s constitution, identifying leaders and their political ideology. Another relevant section of the research is about the relations with their social bases, explaining their weaknesses and strenghts in dealing with this issue. First, parties that emerged after 2000 are characterized by an structure lacking of institucional bases. Their leaders arises from improvisation, as a result of the party system collapse in the eighties. It is also remarked the influence of the Peruvian Army in local politics. In this context, technocracy becomes the most important institucional reference, aside with new political ideologies that compete in the electoral arena
10
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The Inter-American Democratic Charter (IDC) was adopted in 2001 by member states of the Organization of American States (OAS) as a renewed instrument for the defense of democracy, not only against traditional coup d´etat but also to face serious violations to horizontal accountability. The second assumption took into consideration, as a precedent, the political situation in Peru during Alberto Fujimori's administration (1995-2000), defined as a competitive authoritarian regime by Political Science and Constitutional Law scholars. However, during the last decade to the presentwe find in Latin America several countries with governments where the principle of checks and balances has been eroded as a result of measures adopted by their respective executive branch. This situation suggests the following concerns: The liberal democratic model of the IDC is in cris...
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The Inter-American Democratic Charter (IDC) was adopted in 2001 by member states of the Organization of American States (OAS) as a renewed instrument for the defense of democracy, not only against traditional coup d´etat but also to face serious violations to horizontal accountability. The second assumption took into consideration, as a precedent, the political situation in Peru during Alberto Fujimori's administration (1995-2000), defined as a competitive authoritarian regime by Political Science and Constitutional Law scholars. However, during the last decade to the presentwe find in Latin America several countries with governments where the principle of checks and balances has been eroded as a result of measures adopted by their respective executive branch. This situation suggests the following concerns: The liberal democratic model of the IDC is in cris...
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It is clear that social movements are not the same since the emergence of social networks. They have definitely revolutionised the way we express ourselves, communicate and organise. However, they are a double-edged tool. In this essay I analyse the main characteristics of social movements in the network era, mainly from two perspectives: that of Manuel Castells and that of Byung-Chul Han. Thus, I will determine whether they are experiencing a favourable or detrimental development with respect to the achievement of their objectives and, above all, I will make visible the new obstacles that appear in virtuality in order to overcome them.
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El ensayo analiza discursivamente tres declaraciones del exvicepresidente García Linera en la coyuntura posreferéndum, donde se asume que la reelección del presidente Morales era indispensable, en tanto 'sutura' del campo popular. Se argumenta en este ensayo que el imperativo de la reelección planteaba una confrontación antagónica sin resolución en el terreno de 'la política'. En un escenario de heterogeneidad radical, la perspectiva de una dislocación extrema del 'piso' institucional era vista como una circunstancia menor, subordinada al avance del 'poder constituyente'. El ensayo busca pensar el rol de la institucionalidad en procesos que pugnan por una democracia radical.
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Social dialogue is an essential component of democracy and therefore the importance of the link between freedom and pluralism of information on the one hand and the autonomy of the Judiciary on the other: both at the service of a productive social dialogue of democratic participation in procedural issues must be analyzed. The right to information is the right to understand, not only under the traditional liberal viewpoint but under the perspective rooted in the Constitution, that is, the right to information is an instrument to ensure participation of citizens in the management of public interest, a right that is designed to guarantee the protection of individuals in the face of power
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Social dialogue is an essential component of democracy and therefore the importance of the link between freedom and pluralism of information on the one hand and the autonomy of the Judiciary on the other: both at the service of a productive social dialogue of democratic participation in procedural issues must be analyzed. The right to information is the right to understand, not only under the traditional liberal viewpoint but under the perspective rooted in the Constitution, that is, the right to information is an instrument to ensure participation of citizens in the management of public interest, a right that is designed to guarantee the protection of individuals in the face of power
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This paper develops the elements of the constitutional thought of Pedro Planas. In that sense it establishes the concept of Constitutional Democracy, analyzes its characteristics, such as the division of powers and the supremacy of the Constitution, and develops its differences with respect to the autocracy, which according to this, is the political system. Following this same line, the basic structures of the political regimes in the Constitutional Democracy are analyzed. This is developed in two parts, in the first, the political schemes are divided according to the system of checks and balances, from this the existence of two types of regimes is concluded: the parliamentary regime and the presidential regime. In the second part, the regimes are distinguished according to the origin of the governmental power structure, in this sense, two options are established: i) of basically parliam...
17
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This paper develops the elements of the constitutional thought of Pedro Planas. In that sense it establishes the concept of Constitutional Democracy, analyzes its characteristics, such as the division of powers and the supremacy of the Constitution, and develops its differences with respect to the autocracy, which according to this, is the political system. Following this same line, the basic structures of the political regimes in the Constitutional Democracy are analyzed. This is developed in two parts, in the first, the political schemes are divided according to the system of checks and balances, from this the existence of two types of regimes is concluded: the parliamentary regime and the presidential regime. In the second part, the regimes are distinguished according to the origin of the governmental power structure, in this sense, two options are established: i) of basically parliam...
18
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El atractivo global de la democracia constitucional liberal –definida como un sistema multipartidario competitivo con un gobierno con límites constitucionales– no puede tomarse por sentado dada la existencia de la competencia de otras formas de gobierno que parecen exitosas en una serie de aspectos prácticos y como consecuencia gozan de altos niveles de aceptación. Los defensores de la democracia constitucional liberal deben estar preparados para explicar y defender la capacidad de este modelo para satisfacer las necesidades políticas de primer orden. Un sistema de gobierno no puede manejar aceptación popular a menos que asegure poder lidiar con los problemas de opresión, tribalismo y falta de seguridad física y económica. Considerando ello, las ventajas de la democracia constitucional liberal por sobre las alternativas de la democracia social del tipo visto en Esca...
19
artículo
The current crisis product of the pandemic has revealed those economic and social problems that continue to be part of the structure of the Peruvian State. Poverty, discrimination, corruption, precarious health services, education and security, state bureaucracy, etc., as well as the large socioeconomic gaps that are reflected in the different conditions with which families are facing the pandemic. The use of the position of power by business elites in our country allows undemocratic practice within the tax system, which favors the most powerful, while harming and punishing the informality in which most of the class finds itself worker of our country. Despite the difficult health situation that is suffered, it is necessary to focus the debate on the condition in which the citizen is within this Peruvian neoliberal paradigm, what are their rights and duties, and try to glimpse how they ca...
20
artículo
The current crisis product of the pandemic has revealed those economic and social problems that continue to be part of the structure of the Peruvian State. Poverty, discrimination, corruption, precarious health services, education and security, state bureaucracy, etc., as well as the large socioeconomic gaps that are reflected in the different conditions with which families are facing the pandemic. The use of the position of power by business elites in our country allows undemocratic practice within the tax system, which favors the most powerful, while harming and punishing the informality in which most of the class finds itself worker of our country. Despite the difficult health situation that is suffered, it is necessary to focus the debate on the condition in which the citizen is within this Peruvian neoliberal paradigm, what are their rights and duties, and try to glimpse how they ca...