In Lima, as in other large Latin American cities, the daily experience of its inhabitants is framed by relations of inequality that go beyond the great economic differences normalized in capitalist societies. Urban inequality is presented as a multidimensional phenomenon in which its main components and the way they interact with each other is not universal, but have been constructed and structured throughout the history of each society, following the specific characteristics of each urban center, so we can refer of an intersectional inequality. A review of the urban history of Lima is proposed, which seeks to demonstrate how urban inequality has been constructed, and to show how the production of the city and the production of inequality have been two sides of the same process. Inequality and its relationship with fragmentation will be characterized, and then a conceptual model will be ...

In Lima, as in other large Latin American cities, the daily experience of its inhabitants is framed by relations of inequality that go beyond the great economic differences normalized in capitalist societies. Urban inequality is presented as a multidimensional phenomenon in which its main components and the way they interact with each other is not universal, but have been constructed and structured throughout the history of each society, following the specific characteristics of each urban center, so we can refer of an intersectional inequality. A review of the urban history of Lima is proposed, which seeks to demonstrate how urban inequality has been constructed, and to show how the production of the city and the production of inequality have been two sides of the same process. Inequality and its relationship with fragmentation will be characterized, and then a conceptual model will be ...

In Lima, as in other large Latin American cities, the daily experience of its inhabitants is framed by relations of inequality that go beyond the great economic differences normalized in capitalist societies. Urban inequality is presented as a multidimensional phenomenon in which its main components and the way they interact with each other is not universal, but have been constructed and structured throughout the history of each society, following the specific characteristics of each urban center, so we can refer of an intersectional inequality. A review of the urban history of Lima is proposed, which seeks to demonstrate how urban inequality has been constructed, and to show how the production of the city and the production of inequality have been two sides of the same process. Inequality and its relationship with fragmentation will be characterized, and then a conceptual model will be ...

The following article evidences the importance of considering the concept and the components of the right to the city in the Peruvian legislation. For that purpose, it considers the growing recognition of the importance of cities under the ‘New Urban Agenda’ and the search for assurance of decent life quality for the inhabitants of a city. Moreover, the authors propose to overcome the conception of the city as a physical space where its sole purpose is to produce individual wealth and benefits, for its recognition as a space of interaction and citizen development as a collectivity. Based on this definition, the right to the city implies a guiding principle that seeks to generate spaces for community participation, a fair distribution of urban charges and benefits, and the promotion of active citizenship.

The following article evidences the importance of considering the concept and the components of the right to the city in the Peruvian legislation. For that purpose, it considers the growing recognition of the importance of cities under the ‘New Urban Agenda’ and the search for assurance of decent life quality for the inhabitants of a city. Moreover, the authors propose to overcome the conception of the city as a physical space where its sole purpose is to produce individual wealth and benefits, for its recognition as a space of interaction and citizen development as a collectivity. Based on this definition, the right to the city implies a guiding principle that seeks to generate spaces for community participation, a fair distribution of urban charges and benefits, and the promotion of active citizenship.

The following article evidences the importance of considering the concept and the components of the right to the city in the Peruvian legislation. For that purpose, it considers the growing recognition of the importance of cities under the ‘New Urban Agenda’ and the search for assurance of decent life quality for the inhabitants of a city. Moreover, the authors propose to overcome the conception of the city as a physical space where its sole purpose is to produce individual wealth and benefits, for its recognition as a space of interaction and citizen development as a collectivity. Based on this definition, the right to the city implies a guiding principle that seeks to generate spaces for community participation, a fair distribution of urban charges and benefits, and the promotion of active citizenship.