En el presente trabajo, Pärssinen analiza y recopila los conocimientos concernientes a la expansión inca, y a los principios y estructuras politicas de aquel estado multiétnico al que los propios Incas lamaron Tawantinsuyu. Gracias al uso *de métodos interdisciplinarios y muchas « nuevas » e inéditats fuentes archivísticas, entre las que figuran transcripciones y traducciones al español de los así llamados textos de khipu escritos por los antiguos pobladores andinos mediante nudos y cuerdas coloreadas, Pärssinen logra elaborar el más actualizado estudio sobre la organización política del estado inca.

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Este artículo presenta un análisis, con dos fechados radiocarbónicos, de la cerámica de la época Tiwanaku IV de Nazacara, una localidad situada a unos 45 kilómetros al sur de Tiwanaku. Al parecer, los primeros indicios de la cultura Tiwanaku aparecieron en Nazacara aproximadamente a partir de 400 d.C. No obstante, esta primera subfase no presenta cambios relevantes en el patrón de la alfarería tradicional. El cambio más significativo empezó alrededor de los años 550/600 d.C., cuando la cerámica pintada y las formas de la alfarería ceremonial y pública aumentan radicalmente y presentan rasgos casi puros del estilo Tiwanaku IV. Según el autor, esta segunda subfase probablemente significa la incorporación de Nazacara en el dominio del poder de la elite de Tiwanaku.

Los cuatro suyus del Tawantinsuyu estuvieron divididos en varias provincias administrativas llamadas guamaníes; pero, existieron también algunas confederaciones interprovinciales y otras divisiones administrativas interétnicas dentro del Estado Inca, entre las que destacaron Colesuyu, Collao, Charcas, etc. A pesar de la poca información sobre el tema, se sabe que algunos jefes de estas confederaciones fueron considerados como apocuna, "soberanos, capitanes generales y segundas personas del Inca". Así pues, según un manuscrito inédito conservado en el Archivo General de Indias de Sevilla, un nieto del curaca de Lurin Huanca declaró en 1561 que su abuelo se casó con la hija del Inca y en su condición de yerno habría gobernado el territorio que se extendía hasta las provincias de Quito, siendo además señor de las parcialidades de "hananguanca, luringuanca y Jauja". Aunque no s...

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During the early colonial period, Puquina was one of the three common languages used in the Lake Titicaca basin, along with Aimara and Quechua. In this article, we examine the anthroponyms of the Puquina language in the unpublished Visita of Guaqui (1594), which lists 1000 tributary men by their surnames, that were in fact their former names. It appears that most of the adult male Uros on the visita list were fishermen and farmers, and the Serranos were mostly herders and farmers. The Uros originally spoke Puquina and Uro. Our analysis of the Uro tributaries - based on colonial sources as well as archaeological and linguistic studies - indirectly supports Cerrón-Palomino’s hypothesis that the so-called secret language of the Incas may have been Puquina, and especially that the vocabulary of Puquina may have influenced Cuzco Quechua. In addition, the results show some correspondence be...

During the early colonial period, Puquina was one of the three common languages used in the Lake Titicaca basin, along with Aimara and Quechua. In this article, we examine the anthroponyms of the Puquina language in the unpublished Visita of Guaqui (1594), which lists 1000 tributary men by their surnames, that were in fact their former names. It appears that most of the adult male Uros on the visita list were fishermen and farmers, and the Serranos were mostly herders and farmers. The Uros originally spoke Puquina and Uro. Our analysis of the Uro tributaries - based on colonial sources as well as archaeological and linguistic studies - indirectly supports Cerrón-Palomino’s hypothesis that the so-called secret language of the Incas may have been Puquina, and especially that the vocabulary of Puquina may have influenced Cuzco Quechua. In addition, the results show some correspondence be...

During the early colonial period, Puquina was one of the three common languages used in the Lake Titicaca basin, along with Aimara and Quechua. In this article, we examine the anthroponyms of the Puquina language in the unpublished Visita of Guaqui (1594), which lists 1000 tributary men by their surnames, that were in fact their former names. It appears that most of the adult male Uros on the visita list were fishermen and farmers, and the Serranos were mostly herders and farmers. The Uros originally spoke Puquina and Uro. Our analysis of the Uro tributaries - based on colonial sources as well as archaeological and linguistic studies - indirectly supports Cerrón-Palomino’s hypothesis that the so-called secret language of the Incas may have been Puquina, and especially that the vocabulary of Puquina may have influenced Cuzco Quechua. In addition, the results show some correspondence be...

Historians studying the pre-Inca era, the Inca Empire, and the colonial period often do not know Quechua and are unaware of the importance of knowing the language. This article will show, through a series of examples, the problems that can arise from this lack of knowledge. Each example illustrates a problem and offers a suggestion for resolving it.

Historians studying the pre-Inca era, the Inca Empire, and the colonial period often do not know Quechua and are unaware of the importance of knowing the language. This article will show, through a series of examples, the problems that can arise from this lack of knowledge. Each example illustrates a problem and offers a suggestion for resolving it.

Historians studying the pre-Inca era, the Inca Empire, and the colonial period often do not know Quechua and are unaware of the importance of knowing the language. This article will show, through a series of examples, the problems that can arise from this lack of knowledge. Each example illustrates a problem and offers a suggestion for resolving it.