Perú es uno de los países que en los rankings de inseguridad ciudadana en América Latina figuran como aquellos menos peligrosos. Sin embargo, a nivel local el país cuenta con regiones que superan el promedio de inseguridad en América Latina. Durante décadas las medidas que se han tomado para hacer frente a este problema público han sido de carácter represivo. No obstante, esto ha dejado rezagos en la ciudadanía que se manifiestan en la alta desconfianza hacia la Policía Nacional del Perú y la alta percepción de inseguridad. Ante ello, una de las propuestas que propone el ministro del Interior, Carlos Basombrio, en el 2016 es la de implementar una Estrategia Multisectorial de carácter preventivo a nivel nacional: Barrio Seguro. Sin embargo, en la etapa de formulación de la política pública, Barrio Seguro contará con varias falencias que impedirán que la etapa de implemen...

Perú es uno de los países que en los rankings de inseguridad ciudadana en América Latina figuran como aquellos menos peligrosos. Sin embargo, a nivel local el país cuenta con regiones que superan el promedio de inseguridad en América Latina. Durante décadas las medidas que se han tomado para hacer frente a este problema público han sido de carácter represivo. No obstante, esto ha dejado rezagos en la ciudadanía que se manifiestan en la alta desconfianza hacia la Policía Nacional del Perú y la alta percepción de inseguridad. Ante ello, una de las propuestas que propone el ministro del Interior, Carlos Basombrio, en el 2016 es la de implementar una Estrategia Multisectorial de carácter preventivo a nivel nacional: Barrio Seguro. Sin embargo, en la etapa de formulación de la política pública, Barrio Seguro contará con varias falencias que impedirán que la etapa de implemen...

This paper focuses on two cases corresponding to parties and candidates situated more to the right than usual and, therefore, described as far right. These cases are Jair Bolsonaro, former candidate of the Social Liberal Party and current president of Brazil after winning in the second round of the general elections of October 7, 2018 with 55.1% of the votes; and Vox, the party which achieved parliamentary representation in Spain for the first time after the general elections of April 28, 2019 and is currently the third parliamentary force with 15, 09 % of the votes and 52 seats.For both, we propose to study the use of anti-feminist political discourse as an electoral tool. In spite of the differences in the electoral systems and in the institutional designs of both countries - one presidential and the other parliamentary - both cases share the fact that the candidates have managed to co...

This paper focuses on two cases corresponding to parties and candidates situated more to the right than usual and, therefore, described as far right. These cases are Jair Bolsonaro, former candidate of the Social Liberal Party and current president of Brazil after winning in the second round of the general elections of October 7, 2018 with 55.1% of the votes; and Vox, the party which achieved parliamentary representation in Spain for the first time after the general elections of April 28, 2019 and is currently the third parliamentary force with 15, 09 % of the votes and 52 seats.For both, we propose to study the use of anti-feminist political discourse as an electoral tool. In spite of the differences in the electoral systems and in the institutional designs of both countries - one presidential and the other parliamentary - both cases share the fact that the candidates have managed to co...

This paper focuses on two cases corresponding to parties and candidates situated more to the right than usual and, therefore, described as far right. These cases are Jair Bolsonaro, former candidate of the Social Liberal Party and current president of Brazil after winning in the second round of the general elections of October 7, 2018 with 55.1% of the votes; and Vox, the party which achieved parliamentary representation in Spain for the first time after the general elections of April 28, 2019 and is currently the third parliamentary force with 15, 09 % of the votes and 52 seats.For both, we propose to study the use of anti-feminist political discourse as an electoral tool. In spite of the differences in the electoral systems and in the institutional designs of both countries - one presidential and the other parliamentary - both cases share the fact that the candidates have managed to co...