¿Como es el proceso de aprobación de leyes con alta oposición inicial en un congreso altamente fragmentado como el peruano? ¿Acaso el debate y la obtención de nuevas ideas propuestas por la sociedad civil el único motivo por el que un parlamentario cambia de opinión? Este trabajo de investigación tiene como fin estudiar cómo se desarrolla el proceso parlamentario y cuál es el papel de la sociedad civil organizada en la conformación de grandes coaliciones que permitan aprobar normativas que habían sido fuertemente cuestionadas y desacreditadas. A partir del caso de la Paridad y Alternancia (2019) se buscará explicar los motivos que hicieron posible su aprobación en tan solo 4 meses y en un Congreso profundamente conservador. Para esto se propone un estudio de los debates parlamentarios, la relación entre el Legislativo y la sociedad civil organizada; y la interacción Ejecu...

¿Como es el proceso de aprobación de leyes con alta oposición inicial en un congreso altamente fragmentado como el peruano? ¿Acaso el debate y la obtención de nuevas ideas propuestas por la sociedad civil el único motivo por el que un parlamentario cambia de opinión? Este trabajo de investigación tiene como fin estudiar cómo se desarrolla el proceso parlamentario y cuál es el papel de la sociedad civil organizada en la conformación de grandes coaliciones que permitan aprobar normativas que habían sido fuertemente cuestionadas y desacreditadas. A partir del caso de la Paridad y Alternancia (2019) se buscará explicar los motivos que hicieron posible su aprobación en tan solo 4 meses y en un Congreso profundamente conservador. Para esto se propone un estudio de los debates parlamentarios, la relación entre el Legislativo y la sociedad civil organizada; y la interacción Ejecu...

This paper focuses on two cases corresponding to parties and candidates situated more to the right than usual and, therefore, described as far right. These cases are Jair Bolsonaro, former candidate of the Social Liberal Party and current president of Brazil after winning in the second round of the general elections of October 7, 2018 with 55.1% of the votes; and Vox, the party which achieved parliamentary representation in Spain for the first time after the general elections of April 28, 2019 and is currently the third parliamentary force with 15, 09 % of the votes and 52 seats.For both, we propose to study the use of anti-feminist political discourse as an electoral tool. In spite of the differences in the electoral systems and in the institutional designs of both countries - one presidential and the other parliamentary - both cases share the fact that the candidates have managed to co...

This paper focuses on two cases corresponding to parties and candidates situated more to the right than usual and, therefore, described as far right. These cases are Jair Bolsonaro, former candidate of the Social Liberal Party and current president of Brazil after winning in the second round of the general elections of October 7, 2018 with 55.1% of the votes; and Vox, the party which achieved parliamentary representation in Spain for the first time after the general elections of April 28, 2019 and is currently the third parliamentary force with 15, 09 % of the votes and 52 seats.For both, we propose to study the use of anti-feminist political discourse as an electoral tool. In spite of the differences in the electoral systems and in the institutional designs of both countries - one presidential and the other parliamentary - both cases share the fact that the candidates have managed to co...

This paper focuses on two cases corresponding to parties and candidates situated more to the right than usual and, therefore, described as far right. These cases are Jair Bolsonaro, former candidate of the Social Liberal Party and current president of Brazil after winning in the second round of the general elections of October 7, 2018 with 55.1% of the votes; and Vox, the party which achieved parliamentary representation in Spain for the first time after the general elections of April 28, 2019 and is currently the third parliamentary force with 15, 09 % of the votes and 52 seats.For both, we propose to study the use of anti-feminist political discourse as an electoral tool. In spite of the differences in the electoral systems and in the institutional designs of both countries - one presidential and the other parliamentary - both cases share the fact that the candidates have managed to co...