The native language Amahuaca (Panoan family, Peru) features a cross-linguistically unusual tripartite case-marking system whereby the subjects of intransitive and transitive verbs are signaled by means of the enclitics =x and =n, respectively, whereas the objects do not bear any morphological marking (Sparing-Chávez, 2007/2012; Clem, 2019a; among others). Another salient property of this system is the diverse realizations that nominals display when they host overt case-markers; this is, precisely, the primary focus of the present article. While these manifestations might initially appear erratic, our analysis reveals that the realizations of the marked nominals are highly predictable, especially when we posit the presence of a latent consonant that emerges phonetically in the context of =x and =n. From a diachronic perspective, we argue that this allomorphic variability can be linked to...

In the prosody of the Amahuaca language (Pano, Peru), we identify a lexical tone that contrasts with the absence of tone (H vs. Ø) and a metric structure based on the formation of trochaic feet from left to right. These features interact in such a way that the tonal structure of the roots changes in morphologically complex words, preventing high tones from falling on even, non-prominent syllables. Although the lexical tone of Amahuaca roots can be classified as a tonal system, the metric structure of the word would not satisfy the principle of culminativity, which assumes the presence of a syllable with maximum prosodic prominence (primary stress) in words with two or more well-formed metric feet.

In the prosody of the Amahuaca language (Pano, Peru), we identify a lexical tone that contrasts with the absence of tone (H vs. Ø) and a metric structure based on the formation of trochaic feet from left to right. These features interact in such a way that the tonal structure of the roots changes in morphologically complex words, preventing high tones from falling on even, non-prominent syllables. Although the lexical tone of Amahuaca roots can be classified as a tonal system, the metric structure of the word would not satisfy the principle of culminativity, which assumes the presence of a syllable with maximum prosodic prominence (primary stress) in words with two or more well-formed metric feet.

In the prosody of the Amahuaca language (Pano, Peru), we identify a lexical tone that contrasts with the absence of tone (H vs. Ø) and a metric structure based on the formation of trochaic feet from left to right. These features interact in such a way that the tonal structure of the roots changes in morphologically complex words, preventing high tones from falling on even, non-prominent syllables. Although the lexical tone of Amahuaca roots can be classified as a tonal system, the metric structure of the word would not satisfy the principle of culminativity, which assumes the presence of a syllable with maximum prosodic prominence (primary stress) in words with two or more well-formed metric feet.