The article presents the origins of the idea of development, at the beginning of this century, as well as those of the American idea of peace and prosperity. It analyzes the political rationale of the Allie's doctrine of peace and prosperity during world War II, linking economic development, political, stability, and international peace, it also sketches some critical opinions of these notions, articulated in the US and Britain in the 1940's and 1950's especially those questioning the assumptions behind American development assitance. It suggests the general conditions that should guide a new search for peace and prosperity in today's improverished and agitated Third World.

This paper contends that the conventional development model, based on intensive investment and industrialization; has run out of steam in the Third World, as a consequence of the end of a Golden Age of growth of the world economy. It outlines the impact of the debt crisis upon development and particularly its economic and social effects in Latin America, suggesting the need of a new regional development model. The article points to a gradual decay of the international development ethos, caused by a series of moral, technical, political and economic reversals of the project of universal economic progress. It highlights the implications for domestic and international peace of contemporary development problems, aggravated by the vanishing of growth.

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India began in 1947 simultaneous processes of state-building and international positioning. Under the leadership of Nehru and Indira Gandhi, consecutively, she was able to overcome great obstacles in the way of achieving a secular and democratic state, progress economically, and manage her external environment. The end of the Cold War confronted Delhi with the need to make radical adjustments in her economic and foreign policies. India partially liberalized her economy and came closer to the U.S. These changes have left India at the doors of Great Power status. At the same time, internal forces are striving to make of India a Hindu nation.

The Peruvian military government followed between 1968 and 1975 a foreign policy aiming to connect the reforms it pursued internally with reforms proposed by the Group of 77 to the international economic order; it connected also its internal policies with a nationalist current in Latin America that was attempting to restructure the Inter-American System. In doing this, the Peruvian government transformed both the Paradigm and the Grand Strategy of Peruvian foreign policy and presented a challenge to the US hemispheric hegemony. The article explains internal and external conditions that made possible the changes in Peruvian foreign policy and briefly describes the regional and global development of this policy. It explains also how the evolution of some of the aforementioned conditions brought the decline of the revolutionary foreign policy from 1973.

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Desde hace veinte años, tras la caída del bloque soviético, el orden internacional viene mostrando visibles transformaciones, pero hasta la fecha, pese a repetidas proclamaciones, no alcanza a perfilarse de manera estable un nuevo orden.

Russia’s current international behavior can be better understood by examining its main historical tendencies. Russia becomes military dominant power in Europe in 1812 and with the Holy Alliance attempts briefly to attain a hegemonic leadership, including preeminence in the field of ideas. After the Crimean War and the Great Game, played against Britain, Russia attempts again to attain hegemony with the Bolshevik Revolution and later in the Cold War. As a resurgent power, under Putin, she strives to attain a regional hegemony in the realm of Eurasia.

The article analyses China´s international ascent attempting to illustrate the difficulty inherent in attempting to predict international events. The nature and consequences of China´s transformation from the 1970´s was difficult to foresee. The beginning and early stages of this process were indeed facilitated by the outcomes of internal crises of uncertain evolution as well as by key decisions of another power, the United States, guided by its own interests. The author describes some hardly visible or little expected routes taken by events that that led China, in first place, to gain access to a big export market that was instrumental for the expansion of its economy and, subsequently, made possible for its authorities to prevent, through repressive action in Tiananmen Square, that the march of reforms could provoke changes in the authoritarian nature of the state.

Este trabajo parte de tres premisas: 1) que China ha llegado a ser la segunda potencia del mundo y a convertirse en un segundo polo de influencia global; 2) que su evolución histórica moderna, en particular su inserción internacional, ha sido estudiada con mucho menor profundidad que las de las grandes potencias occidentales; y, 3) que puede haber importantes lecciones a extraer de su evolución histórica. En este contexto, la obra examina el apogeo del Imperio, bajo la dinastía Qing, su inmediata caída en el Siglo de la Humillación a partir de 1839 y, en particular, la fase de la Revolución Nacionalista hasta la segunda guerra con Japón (1937-1945). Asimismo, el autor analiza las causas de las crisis que trajeron el Siglo de la Humillación y las razones por las que en China no se dio una gran reforma interna como en Japón. Se destaca también la capacidad de insurgencia de la...

La estructura de este libro, después de una breve excursión conceptual e histórica (capítulo 1), está planteada cronológicamente, de acuerdo con la sucesión de los momentos de alto impacto que cada una de las tres potencias tuvo sobre la evolución del orden internacional. Rusia, desde el ascenso del Imperio ruso a la categoría de gran potencia, en 1709 (capítulos 2 y 3). Dos y medio siglos más tarde, durante el período de la Guerra Fría, primero India (1947), con su tardía pero auspiciosa aparición como Estado (capítulo 4), y treinta años después China (1978), con la reorientación de su modelo económico hacia los mercados mundiales (capítulo 5). Nuestra perspectiva pretende dar una idea sobre aspectos como de dónde vienen estas potencias, cuáles han sido los propósitos que las han guiado en su evolución interna e internacional, cuáles han sido sus principales lo...

Existe una tensión histórica entre dos grandes proyectos de integración del continente americano: el proyecto bolivariano de unir las repúblicas al sur del Río Grande, para lograr su fortalecimiento y conseguir interactuar más equilibradamente con el gran vecino del Norte, y el proyecto panamericano de unir todas las naciones del continente bajo los auspicios benevolentes de Estados Unidos. El primer proyecto, que en términos contemporáneos podríamos llamar "pan-latinoamericanista", fue planteado por el Gran Libertador en las primeras décadas del siglo pasado, mientras que el segundo comenzó a cobrar forma en las postrimerías del mismo siglo (con la celebración de la Primera Conferencia de los Estados Americanos, en Washington, en 1889-1890).

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El artículo no presenta resumen.

Russia’s current international behavior can be better understood by examining its main historical tendencies. Russia becomes military dominant power in Europe in 1812 and with the Holy Alliance attempts briefly to attain a hegemonic leadership, including preeminence in the field of ideas. After the Crimean War and the Great Game, played against Britain, Russia attempts again to attain hegemony with the Bolshevik Revolution and later in the Cold War. As a resurgent power, under Putin, she strives to attain a regional hegemony in the realm of Eurasia.

India began in 1947 simultaneous processes of state-building and international positioning. Under the leadership of Nehru and Indira Gandhi, consecutively, she was able to overcome great obstacles in the way of achieving a secular and democratic state, progress economically, and manage her external environment. The end of the Cold War confronted Delhi with the need to make radical adjustments in her economic and foreign policies. India partially liberalized her economy and came closer to the U.S. These changes have left India at the doors of Great Power status. At the same time, internal forces are striving to make of India a Hindu nation.

The Peruvian military government followed between 1968 and 1975 a foreign policy aiming to connect the reforms it pursued internally with reforms proposed by the Group of 77 to the international economic order; it connected also its internal policies with a nationalist current in Latin America that was attempting to restructure the Inter-American System. In doing this, the Peruvian government transformed both the Paradigm and the Grand Strategy of Peruvian foreign policy and presented a challenge to the US hemispheric hegemony. The article explains internal and external conditions that made possible the changes in Peruvian foreign policy and briefly describes the regional and global development of this policy. It explains also how the evolution of some of the aforementioned conditions brought the decline of the revolutionary foreign policy from 1973.

The article analyses China´s international ascent attempting to illustrate the difficulty inherent in attempting to predict international events. The nature and consequences of China´s transformation from the 1970´s was difficult to foresee. The beginning and early stages of this process were indeed facilitated by the outcomes of internal crises of uncertain evolution as well as by key decisions of another power, the United States, guided by its own interests. The author describes some hardly visible or little expected routes taken by events that that led China, in first place, to gain access to a big export market that was instrumental for the expansion of its economy and, subsequently, made possible for its authorities to prevent, through repressive action in Tiananmen Square, that the march of reforms could provoke changes in the authoritarian nature of the state.

Desde la propuesta del ABC como conductores del orden sudamericano, por el Barón de Rio Branco, en 1909, hasta la creación de la Comunidad Sudamericana de Naciones, bajo el liderazgo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, en 2004, Brasil ha realizado un significativo avance en su posicionamiento como líder sudamericano y latinoamericano. Al mismo tiempo, ha ascendido hasta convertirse en una cuasi gran potencia a nivel mundial. En este artículo vamos a explorar brevemente la trayectoria y perspectivas de liderazgo regional de Brasil, así como la vinculación de esta situación con sus aspiraciones globales.

We perceive that a period of instability, structural change, and superpower competition is developing in the world economy and particularly in the Asia-Pacific region, following the end of the boom of Chinese growth, investment and trade (2003-2012). This boom significantly benefitted China and a number of emerging economies which sold commodities to, and hosted investment from, the PRC. The comparative stability of the former period produced in Latin America the image of economic relations with China as a relatively uncontentious issue area characterized by clear market opportunities that could be tapped largely by means of conventional diplomacy and trade expertise. There were, of course, some concerns that a new center-periphery subsystem was being established and that a small number of small or middle-size countries of the region were becoming too close to China, but these issues sel...