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This study presents the central characteristics of a Fascist Party in Peru, its organization, ideology and political meaning for Latin America in the decade of the 1930s. The author examines it and analyzes the Revolutionary Union Party and the process of the formation of the conservative and charismatic populism of a political movement led by Luis M. Sanchez Cerro: a military man whose dictatorial government evolved into what one could identify as «bonapartism», because of its special authoritarian-populist character. Under this panorama we will present the essential historical evidence of the Fascist presence of that party, its complex relationship with political power, its ideological and corporative axes, its xenophobia with regard to Asian immigration, its organization, especially their black shirts, and the totalitarian character of their political project between 1933 and 1936

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A critique is hereby provided which attempts cognitively to be as precise as possible, to certain and important historiographic explanations referring to the serious political-electoral situation of 1939 in Peru given the series of documentary limitations and/ or interpretative deficiencies that those explanations pose, and also given the disastrous fraudulent consequences derived from the extreme dictatorial context.

En este artículo se presenta aquel discurso agresivo e intolerante propalado por el sanchecerrismo contra la Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos durante la coyuntura electoral de 1931, en el contexto de su enfrentamiento político contra el APRA. Campaña autoritaria que derivó, posteriormente en 1932, en la intervención dictatorial de la Universidad.

Se presenta aquí, por primera vez y desde sus fuentes primarias, un panorama básico de la labor de apoyo, solidaridad y defensa de la República española llevado a cabo, casi excepcionalmente en el Perú, por el denominado Comité de Amigos de los Defensores de la República Española (CADRE). Labor solidaria, que implicó toda una amplia red política y social, cuyo eje fue su Boletín (de difusión, propaganda, denuncia y organización) que circuló en Lima y en el interior del país entre octubre de 1936 y setiembre de 1937. Tal labor fue soterrada, a contracorriente y desafiante dado el abierto apoyo que tanto los poderes fácticos como la férrea dictadura de Benavides bridaban a la insurgencia militarista-franquista y antirrepublicana en España.

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This study presents the central characteristics of a Fascist Party in Peru, its organization, ideology and political meaning for Latin America in the decade of the 1930s. The author examines it and analyzes the Revolutionary Union Party and the process of the formation of the conservative and charismatic populism of a political movement led by Luis M. Sanchez Cerro: a military man whose dictatorial government evolved into what one could identify as «bonapartism», because of its special authoritarian-populist character. Under this panorama we will present the essential historical evidence of the Fascist presence of that party, its complex relationship with political power, its ideological and corporative axes, its xenophobia with regard to Asian immigration, its organization, especially their black shirts, and the totalitarian character of their political project between 1933 and 1936

No description

A critique is hereby provided which attempts cognitively to be as precise as possible, to certain and important historiographic explanations referring to the serious political-electoral situation of 1939 in Peru given the series of documentary limitations and/ or interpretative deficiencies that those explanations pose, and also given the disastrous fraudulent consequences derived from the extreme dictatorial context.

This work reflects about the complex relation between the indigenous culture its representations, self-representations and new meanings, the difficulty of the intercultural openings, the fingerprint of the oligarchical mentality and the diverse significances of what is national and modern in Peru

This is an approach to the political situation during the elections carried out in 1939 under Oscar R. Benavides dictatorial conditions. The dictator tried to find out an official exit to the crisis of his military regime. At the end, he got the continuity of such officialist exit by using in a fraudulent way to the business man Manuel Prado.

Con esta investigación se pretende una aproximación exhaustiva al devenir político, organizativo, ideológico y simbólico del fascismo en el Perú, desde el actor colectivo más característico y de gran arrastre multitudinario, como fue, en la década de 1930, el Partido Unión Revolucionaria.

Con esta investigación se pretende una aproximación exhaustiva al devenir político, organizativo, ideológico y simbólico del fascismo en el Perú, desde el actor colectivo más característico y de gran arrastre multitudinario, como fue, en la década de 1930, el Partido Unión Revolucionaria.

This is an approach to the political situation during the elections carried out in 1939 under Oscar R. Benavides dictatorial conditions. The dictator tried to find out an official exit to the crisis of his military regime. At the end, he got the continuity of such officialist exit by using in a fraudulent way to the business man Manuel Prado.

Este trabajo busca reflexionar sobre la compleja relación entre lo indígena, sus representaciones, sus autorrepresentaciones y resignificaciones, la dificultad de las aperturas interculturales, la huella de la mentalidad oligárquica y las diversas significaciones de lo nacional y lo moderno en el Perú.

An approach is intended from the interactionist sociology, as well as the cognitive linguistics, to J. Lennon and Y. Ono’s both aesthetically-popular and political countercultural position particularities, based on the claim that combines simultaneously feminism and the struggle against racism in a metaphorical way, and in the early 70s, it is anticipated to expert views from the social sciences, mainly Latin American ones, that systematise approaches, from the early 90s, where racism and ethnicity with patriarchy are correlated from ethnic-critical theoretical perspectives basically linked to postcolonial studies, the so-called coloniality of power and researches into subalternity.

Con esta investigación nos aproximamos, en sus especificidades, a uno de los entramados más autoritarios de nuestra historia política y bajo el cual las dos principales organizaciones políticas multitudinarias: el Partido Aprista Peruano y el Partido Unión Revolucionaria (así como el Partido Comunista y otros movimientos políticos de oposición) se verán por acción de la dictadura autocrática-militar encabezada por Oscar R. Benavides, y establecida luego de la anulación de las elecciones de 1936, bajo un especialmente grave panorama de persecución y clandestinidad (...) Así pues, con la presente investigación se intenta tanto superar esas graves limitaciones historiográficas como dotar a nuestro enfoque histórico-político de los argumentos teóricos y procedimientos metodológicos no sólo más rigurosos sino también acordes a la renovación interdisciplinaria de las ci...