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Tomo 2. Páginas 935-954

Páginas 60-70

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Human rights and democracy are, today, indissoluble elements of the political reality. However, there are differences of origin and function between the two notions that they can, eventually, cause tensions and difficulties, especially when we try to attribute to the “majority principle” unlimited powers, including the determination and configuration, even pejorative, of the fundamental rights. this risk comes from adopting a purely “formal” or “procedural” conception of democracy, so it is necessary to affirm a “substantial” notion of it, in which fundamental rights are recognized. On the one hand, as a limit to the state power, whatever the source of legitimacy of it, and on the other hand, as indispensable ingredients for the free exercise of political rights on which democracy is based.

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This article provides a comprehensive view of the 1979 Constitution of Peru, highlighting its focus on the duties of the State, the form of the State, the concept of labor, sovereignty, social constitutionalism, and how these elements shape the Peruvian political legal framework. Along these lines, the author first focuses on the definition and meaning of the "form of the State", differentiating it from the "form of government". Having delimited this, through excerpts from the constitutional text, he presents the duties of the State, such as the promotion of general welfare, justice, and the elimination of exploitation, reflecting the ideological character of the norm. In this regard, the author discusses the concept of work and presents it as a right and a social duty. On the other hand, he also explores the characteristics of the Peruvian State, defined as representative democratic, so...

The 1979 Constitution introduced innovations and improvements in the recognition of rights. One of these cases is the relevance with which this Magna Carta addresses labour law in the Peruvian legal system. To that extent, it can be observed that the Peruvian Constitution of 1979 not only highlights the fundamental character of this right, but also conceives work as a social and economic fact in the country. Consequently, this constitutional text is classified as a manifestation of social constitutionalism that seeks to enshrine in its pages the guiding principles of labour law. This situation has allowed work to be established as a means of human fulfilment and as the main source of wealth for the State. However, while there is no doubt that this constitution represents a significant advance for labour law, it should be mentioned that having recognised the foundations of social constitu...

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Flexisecurity, right to work and labor stability This article deals with one of the most recent and innovative proposals of related flexibilization, basically, to the extinction of labor relation and that areknown as «flexisecurity» or «flexicurity». For this, the author comments the model of Denmark – country in which it’s originated «flexisecurity» – emphasizing the configuration of a «golden triangle», composed of: i) flexibility in the labor relation, aimed at facilitating the dismissal ii) a generous system of unemployment benefits, funded primarily by the State and iii) a new policy of «activation» of the labor market, which seeks to keep large sectors of the population permanently trained to meet new labor challenges. The author emphasizes the difference between our country and Denmark, since it is a Welfare State with a high level of social protection funded by a ...

Human rights and democracy are, today, indissoluble elements of the political reality. However, there are differences of origin and function between the two notions that they can, eventually, cause tensions and difficulties, especially when we try to attribute to the “majority principle” unlimited powers, including the determination and configuration, even pejorative, of the fundamental rights. this risk comes from adopting a purely “formal” or “procedural” conception of democracy, so it is necessary to affirm a “substantial” notion of it, in which fundamental rights are recognized. On the one hand, as a limit to the state power, whatever the source of legitimacy of it, and on the other hand, as indispensable ingredients for the free exercise of political rights on which democracy is based.

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La Ley de Partidos Políticos (Ley N.º 28094) desarrolla el artículo 35º de la Constitución, el cual —tras reconocer la facultad de los ciudadanos a ejercer sus derechos políticos a través de organizaciones establecidas «como partidos, movimientos o alianzas» y señalar que éstas «concurren a la formación y manifestación de la voluntad popular»— explicita en su segundo párrafo que «La ley establece normas orientadas a asegurar el funcionamiento democrático de los partidos políticos y la transparencia en cuanto al origen de sus recursos económicos y el acceso gratuito a los medios de comunicación social de propiedad del Estado en forma proporcional al último resultado electoral general».

El artículo propone y analiza cuatro hipótesis que podrían explicar por qué Perú se ha convertido en el país en que con mayor intensidad se activa la revocatoria del mandato subnacional en el mundo. Estas hipótesis refieren a cuatro aspectos: (a) la cultura política, incluyendo aquí las percepciones, actitudes y hábitos en la forma en que la ciudadanía considera el desempeño de su gobierno y se relaciona con él; (b) el diseño institucional o la influencia de la mayor o menor facilidad para activar el mecanismo, (c) los incentivos no previstos pero condicionados o creados por el diseño institucional, que en determinados contextos podrían estimular a organizaciones políticas a promover estos procesos, y (d) las garantías institucionales ofrecidas para iniciar y concretar revocatorias. Estas hipótesis se analizan comparando los países andinos.

En la delimitación jurídica del referéndum es importante establecer su similitud y, asimismo, sus diferencias con el plebiscito, figura con la que no sólo en el lenguaje común sino, incluso, en la doctrina y hasta en la legislaciónsuele confundirse. En ambos casos se trata de votaciones populares desprovistas de carácter electivo en las que la ciudadanía adopta, directamente, decisiones que conciernen a la vida del Estado o de una comunidad intraestatal en particular. Esta semejanza puede desvanecerse con rapidez si, en lugar decentrar la observación en el hecho común de la votación popular, la fijamos en el contenido de dicha votación y, más aún, en sus efectos concretos sobrela vida del Estado o comunidad donde tiene lugar. En ese sentido es posible distinguir, al menos, dos grandes materias sobre las que puede versar una votación popular no electiva: las normas jurídic...

Estudio sobre el Estado social con el objeto de interpretar la afirmación que contiene la Constitución acerca de que el Perú es una república democrática y “social”.