Money, power and politics: electoral financing as key in the influence of Odebrecht in Peru and Mexico
Descripción del Articulo
Currently, Odebrecht is the most emblematic case of corruption in Latin America, involving dozens of politicians, businessmen and public works, including Peru and Mexico. However, the problem is not only about corruption, but it is behind a little known system, where the concern has to do with the &...
| Autor: | |
|---|---|
| Formato: | artículo |
| Fecha de Publicación: | 2019 |
| Institución: | Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú |
| Repositorio: | Revistas - Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú |
| Lenguaje: | español |
| OAI Identifier: | oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/21163 |
| Enlace del recurso: | http://revistas.pucp.edu.pe/index.php/politai/article/view/21163 |
| Nivel de acceso: | acceso abierto |
| Materia: | Odebrecht political leaders agreements corruption electoral financing timely delivery influence on the State institutional weakness líderes políticos acuerdos corrupción financiamiento electoral entrega oportuna influencia en el Estado debilidad institucional |
| id |
REVPUCP_45a8a5fd87c9e566888247620e119c8f |
|---|---|
| oai_identifier_str |
oai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/21163 |
| network_acronym_str |
REVPUCP |
| network_name_str |
Revistas - Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú |
| repository_id_str |
|
| dc.title.none.fl_str_mv |
Money, power and politics: electoral financing as key in the influence of Odebrecht in Peru and Mexico Dinero, poder y política: financiamiento electoral como clave en la influencia de Odebrecht en Perú y México |
| title |
Money, power and politics: electoral financing as key in the influence of Odebrecht in Peru and Mexico |
| spellingShingle |
Money, power and politics: electoral financing as key in the influence of Odebrecht in Peru and Mexico Martinez Encarnación, Kenyi Odebrecht political leaders agreements corruption electoral financing timely delivery influence on the State institutional weakness Odebrecht líderes políticos acuerdos corrupción financiamiento electoral entrega oportuna influencia en el Estado debilidad institucional |
| title_short |
Money, power and politics: electoral financing as key in the influence of Odebrecht in Peru and Mexico |
| title_full |
Money, power and politics: electoral financing as key in the influence of Odebrecht in Peru and Mexico |
| title_fullStr |
Money, power and politics: electoral financing as key in the influence of Odebrecht in Peru and Mexico |
| title_full_unstemmed |
Money, power and politics: electoral financing as key in the influence of Odebrecht in Peru and Mexico |
| title_sort |
Money, power and politics: electoral financing as key in the influence of Odebrecht in Peru and Mexico |
| dc.creator.none.fl_str_mv |
Martinez Encarnación, Kenyi |
| author |
Martinez Encarnación, Kenyi |
| author_facet |
Martinez Encarnación, Kenyi |
| author_role |
author |
| dc.subject.none.fl_str_mv |
Odebrecht political leaders agreements corruption electoral financing timely delivery influence on the State institutional weakness Odebrecht líderes políticos acuerdos corrupción financiamiento electoral entrega oportuna influencia en el Estado debilidad institucional |
| topic |
Odebrecht political leaders agreements corruption electoral financing timely delivery influence on the State institutional weakness Odebrecht líderes políticos acuerdos corrupción financiamiento electoral entrega oportuna influencia en el Estado debilidad institucional |
| description |
Currently, Odebrecht is the most emblematic case of corruption in Latin America, involving dozens of politicians, businessmen and public works, including Peru and Mexico. However, the problem is not only about corruption, but it is behind a little known system, where the concern has to do with the "rules of the game" and their "players". Therefore, this article aims to explain why Odebrecht was able to influence Peruvian and Mexican states’ decisions about awarding public contracts. In that line, it is argued that they were for three reasons. First, their timely delivery was attractive to politicians, because they were effective in finishing the works before they finished their term; and, therefore, they can inaugurate them with an additional incentive ("good side of the company"). Second, another factor was its influence on the State, because they created a corruption net with the highest levels of government through electoral financing, bribes, lobbies and local constructions to win tenders ("dark side of the company"). In particular, electoral financing was key, because it creates the basis for later building a dangerous network in order to seek more power in politics through money. Third, a final factor was institutional weakness, because the Brazilian firm took advantage of a context of "tailor" laws that not only avoided audits and accountability, but also facilitated corruption as if they were made to the measures of the "client ". Finally, it explains these three factors from two megaprojects in Peru and Mexico: Metro de Lima Line 1 and Miguel Hidalgo Tula I Refinery. |
| publishDate |
2019 |
| dc.date.none.fl_str_mv |
2019-10-03 |
| dc.type.none.fl_str_mv |
info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Artículo revisado por pares |
| format |
article |
| status_str |
publishedVersion |
| dc.identifier.none.fl_str_mv |
http://revistas.pucp.edu.pe/index.php/politai/article/view/21163 |
| url |
http://revistas.pucp.edu.pe/index.php/politai/article/view/21163 |
| dc.language.none.fl_str_mv |
spa |
| language |
spa |
| dc.relation.none.fl_str_mv |
http://revistas.pucp.edu.pe/index.php/politai/article/view/21163/20890 |
| dc.rights.none.fl_str_mv |
info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess |
| eu_rights_str_mv |
openAccess |
| dc.format.none.fl_str_mv |
application/pdf |
| dc.publisher.none.fl_str_mv |
Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú |
| publisher.none.fl_str_mv |
Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú |
| dc.source.none.fl_str_mv |
Politai; Vol. 10 Núm. 18 (2019): Captura del Estado y poderes fácticos en América Latina; 128-168 2415-2498 2219-4142 reponame:Revistas - Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú instname:Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú instacron:PUCP |
| instname_str |
Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú |
| instacron_str |
PUCP |
| institution |
PUCP |
| reponame_str |
Revistas - Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú |
| collection |
Revistas - Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú |
| repository.name.fl_str_mv |
|
| repository.mail.fl_str_mv |
|
| _version_ |
1846609488988078080 |
| spelling |
Money, power and politics: electoral financing as key in the influence of Odebrecht in Peru and MexicoDinero, poder y política: financiamiento electoral como clave en la influencia de Odebrecht en Perú y MéxicoMartinez Encarnación, KenyiOdebrechtpolitical leadersagreementscorruptionelectoral financingtimely deliveryinfluence on the Stateinstitutional weaknessOdebrechtlíderes políticosacuerdoscorrupciónfinanciamiento electoralentrega oportunainfluencia en el Estadodebilidad institucionalCurrently, Odebrecht is the most emblematic case of corruption in Latin America, involving dozens of politicians, businessmen and public works, including Peru and Mexico. However, the problem is not only about corruption, but it is behind a little known system, where the concern has to do with the "rules of the game" and their "players". Therefore, this article aims to explain why Odebrecht was able to influence Peruvian and Mexican states’ decisions about awarding public contracts. In that line, it is argued that they were for three reasons. First, their timely delivery was attractive to politicians, because they were effective in finishing the works before they finished their term; and, therefore, they can inaugurate them with an additional incentive ("good side of the company"). Second, another factor was its influence on the State, because they created a corruption net with the highest levels of government through electoral financing, bribes, lobbies and local constructions to win tenders ("dark side of the company"). In particular, electoral financing was key, because it creates the basis for later building a dangerous network in order to seek more power in politics through money. Third, a final factor was institutional weakness, because the Brazilian firm took advantage of a context of "tailor" laws that not only avoided audits and accountability, but also facilitated corruption as if they were made to the measures of the "client ". Finally, it explains these three factors from two megaprojects in Peru and Mexico: Metro de Lima Line 1 and Miguel Hidalgo Tula I Refinery.En la actualidad, Odebrecht es el caso más emblemático de corrupción en América Latina, involucrando a decenas de políticos, empresarios y obras públicas de países como Perú y México. Sin embargo, el problema no solo se trata de corrupción, sino que detrás hay un sistema poco conocido, donde la preocupación tiene que ver con las “reglas de juego” y sus “jugadores”. Por ello, este artículo pretende explicar por qué Odebrecht pudo influir en las decisiones de los Estados peruano y mexicano para adjudicarse contrataciones públicas. En esa línea, se sostiene que fueron por tres razones. En primer lugar, su entrega oportuna era atractiva para los políticos, porque tenían eficacia para terminar las obras antes de que acaben su mandato; y por ende, puedan inaugurarlas con un incentivo adicional (“lado bueno de la empresa”). En segundo lugar, otro factor fue su influencia en el Estado, porque crearon una red de corrupción con las esferas más altas de Gobierno a través del financiamiento electoral, sobornos, lobbies y constructoras locales para ganar licitaciones (“lado oscuro de la empresa”). El financiamiento electoral resulta clave, porque creaba las bases para luego armar una red peligrosa a fin de buscar más poder en la política a través del dinero. En tercer lugar, un último factor fue la debilidad institucional, porque la firma brasileña aprovechó un contexto de leyes “sastres”, que no solo evitaban fiscalizaciones y rendición de cuentas, sino que facilitaba la corrupción como si fuesen hechas a las medidas del “cliente”. Finalmente, se explican estos tres factores a partir de dos megaproyectos en Perú y México: Metro de Lima Línea 1 y Refinería Miguel Hidalgo Tula I.Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú2019-10-03info:eu-repo/semantics/articleinfo:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersionArtículo revisado por paresapplication/pdfhttp://revistas.pucp.edu.pe/index.php/politai/article/view/21163Politai; Vol. 10 Núm. 18 (2019): Captura del Estado y poderes fácticos en América Latina; 128-1682415-24982219-4142reponame:Revistas - Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perúinstname:Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perúinstacron:PUCPspahttp://revistas.pucp.edu.pe/index.php/politai/article/view/21163/20890info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccessoai:ojs.pkp.sfu.ca:article/211632020-02-06T18:23:06Z |
| score |
13.377223 |
Nota importante:
La información contenida en este registro es de entera responsabilidad de la institución que gestiona el repositorio institucional donde esta contenido este documento o set de datos. El CONCYTEC no se hace responsable por los contenidos (publicaciones y/o datos) accesibles a través del Repositorio Nacional Digital de Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación de Acceso Abierto (ALICIA).
La información contenida en este registro es de entera responsabilidad de la institución que gestiona el repositorio institucional donde esta contenido este documento o set de datos. El CONCYTEC no se hace responsable por los contenidos (publicaciones y/o datos) accesibles a través del Repositorio Nacional Digital de Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación de Acceso Abierto (ALICIA).